THE BATTLE OF CHILE
The struggle of an unarmed people
Part Two THE COUP D'ETAT
a Patricio Guzmán Film
In memory of Jorge Müller Silva
Santiago de Chile, June 29, 1973.
Unable to remove President Allende constitutionally
the U.S. Government and the Chilean opposition
opt for the strategy of a coup.
After its defeat in the presidential elections
in March, 1973
the opposition sets the wheel firmly in motion for a planned uprising.
On June 29, at 09.00 a.m.
a single regiment attacks the government palace with 6 tanks.
Shortly after
an Argentinean journalist films his own death.
He also records, two months before the final coup
the true face of a sector of the Chilean army.
For an hour
the tanks exchange fire with the presidential guard
who are inside the La Moneda Palace.
22 people die during these first moments.
Parliament, the Judicial Power
and the opposition parties are silent.
However, the rebel troops don't receive support
from the rest of the armed forces.
Perhaps thinking that conditions are not yet right
for a successful rising
the other officers don't join in this action.
Meanwhile, loyal troops begin the first counter-attack
to break the siege.
Watch out! Over there!
Don't shoot, bastards!
At 10:30, more loyal soldiers are mobilized
towards the city center.
Advancing on the Panamerican road into the capital
are 10 artillery regiment troop transporters
from the city of San Felipe.
The civilian population must stay calm.
After a brief confrontation
the rebel tanks begin to withdraw.
The Commander-in-Chief of the Army
Gen. Carlos Prats, directs the operations personally.
At 11:00 a.m., with fighting still going on
the President of the Republic
goes into the palace.
Just then, another column of loyal soldiers arrives
headed by the Minister of Defense, José Tohá.
Young Communists of Chile!
Long live the workers' president!
Fight and create popular power!
The situation is being controlled
but some troops have not yet surrendered.
Even as they withdraw, the tanks are still firing.
José Tohá, Minister of Defense
tries to instill calm in the face of possible danger.
He is assisted in this task by Gen. Pickering.
Minister, if we don't control these people
there'll be a massacre. Help me, please.
Get out of here, please! Move away!
If you don't move, someone might get killed.
Generals Pickering, Sepúlveda and Prats lead the officers
most determined to suppress the rising.
Other commanders, however, merely wait expectantly.
Such is the case with Augusto Pinochet
later Head of the Military Government
who now joins in with the loyal forces.
At 11:30, Gen. Carlos Prats assures the Minister of Defense
that the rebels have surrendered
and shows the positions of his own troops.
On the south side of La Moneda is the Warrant Officers School
and on the north side is the Buin Regiment.
But Gen. Prats will think it essential
to declare a State of Emergency to control the situation.
We must request a State of Emergency at once.
We can't control the situation otherwise.
Allende, Allende, the people will defend you!
At noon, with the defeat of the rising confirmed
the Christian Democrats
say that they support the constitutional regime.
The other opposition group the National Party, refuses to comment.
The leaders of the fascist group "Homeland and Freedom".
take refuge in the Ecuadorian embassy
revealing themselves as the authors of the putsch.
Use a heavy hand!
At 6:00 p.m., the presidential flag is lowered
by the guard who defended the palace.
For two hours, this company, led by Lieut. Perez
refused to hand over the seat of government.
Along with Gen. Prats, they are the heroes of the day.
The ease with which the attempted coup was crushed
raises many questions.
The rising showed that some officers were sympathetic
and only the fear of having to face other army units
prevented them from joining the rebellion.
Consequently
Allende relies on the constitutionalist officers
rejecting any action which may weaken
his government's legality.
We shall make the revolutionary changes
in pluralism, democracy and freedom
which does not mean
tolerance of anti-democrats
tolerance of subversives
or tolerance of fascists, comrades!
Close the National Congress!
But you must understand
what the real position of this government is.
I will not, because it would be absurd
close
the Congress.
I'm not going to do it.
I said
I said respect
But if it's necessary
If it's necessary
I shall present
a bill to call a plebiscite
and let the people resolve this question!
Shitty "Mummies", the street belongs to the left!
The next day, Allende asks Congress
to declare a State of Emergency.
Meanwhile, from the morning of June 29
left-wing workers take control of factories, companies,
mines and agricultural centers throughout Chile.
Let's create popular power!
Comrades, the conclusions of the 500 workers
in the packing factory are the following:
Strengthen the industrial belts.
Strengthen the communal councils.
Strengthen the neighborhood groups and the COPPs.
Strengthen all the community organizations.
We must take advantage of this opportunity
and go on the offensive
in terms of gaining new sectors
and nationalizing new industries.
We, the workers, are at our battle station
our workplace, building the necessary elements
to defend ourselves against any attack by fascism
or any further attempts by the armed forces
to overthrow the government.
We believe we must strengthen our battle station
which is, firstly, here in the industries
At the same time, all forms of popular power are strengthened
especially the industrial belts.
Each belt is a group of factories and companies
which coordinates the tasks of workers in the same zone.
In the country's main cities
31 industrial belts have been set up.
8 of these are in Santiago.
- Who do you represent? - The "Macul" belt.
- And you? - The "Macul" belt.
- And you? - The "Cerrillos-Maip" belt.
- And you? - The "Cerrillos" belt.
- And you? - The "Vicua Mackenna" belt.
- And you? - The "O'Higgins" belt.
- And you? - The Christian Left.
The Radical Party Union.
The government, with the support of the belts
puts some strategically important factories
under legal State control.
As we all know
fascist groups tried to overthrow the Government
and there are still repercussions from that.
There is still a latent danger against a process
which the working class began and has taken in hand.
It has been resolved that
given that the packaging and aluminum company Alusa
has suspended delivery of its products
which constitutes an obstruction to distribution
and in view of the Supreme Decree no. 338
and Law no. 16,464, I resolve
firstly, the use of the industrial establishment
is hereby requisitioned
along with machines and other elements
necessary for the production and/or distribution
of the Alusa factory.
On July 2, the law on the State o Emergency proposed by Allende.
is submitted to Parliament.
This law would grant the President special powers.
With them, the President would b to appoint, transfer and dismis
whatever military leaders he thought advisable.
The floor is open to speakers.
The debate is over.
During the three previous governments
the State of Emergency had been authorized twice.
Those deputies who reject the proposal, raise their hands.
The State of Emergency, the chief legal instrument
for extreme situations, is not authorized.
Result of the vote.
The number of votes in favor, 52.
The number of votes against, 81.
The Executive's proposal is rejected.
The Executive's initiative doesn't convince Parliament.
The opposition parties think it unjustified
to grant Allende special powers.
On July 2, the same day as Cong rejects the State of Emergency,
navy officers order their troops to carry out a raid in Valparaíso.
A law on weapons control passed the previous year
enables the military
to carry out searches for weapons
without a judicial order or government authorization.
Despite increasing terrorist action by the extreme right
this law has never before been enforced by the military.
Each raid includes besieging the factory
the temporary detention of the workers
and their interrogation.
Thus, without overstepping the law
some officers start to act against factory employees and workers.
In this first raid no weapons are found.
Chile is suffering the aggression of North American imperialism
of a sector of the oligarchy
which in October 1970 joined with ITT and the CIA
to overthrow this Government.
They want to repeat
a stupid attempt of that kind.
So the present struggle
has a patriotic and national character.
Chile has got every right to govern itself
in accordance with the will of its people.
At the same time
a series of revolutionary transformations is in process,
the aim of which is to open the way
to a socialist society.
Faced with the threat of a coup
the Communist Party and a sector of the left
agree with President Allende's ideas.
An armed confrontation must be avoided
in what are unfavorable conditions.
Therefore, this sector decides to get the support
of the officers who respect the democratic system.
In the political area, both Allende and this sector
want a minimum agreement with the Christian Democracy.
The objective being to reinforce the government's stability
and create a strong front against a civil war.
They've carried out a campaign these last days.
A campaign in which they are trying to show
that the Popular Government is an illegal government.
I want to ask Mr. Victor García Garzena
what is the National Party's opinion
of the rebellion of June 29
which ended in the death of over 20 innocent people.
I want to know their opinion
because the paper "La Tribuna"
on the day after that event, said that it was a show.
And while the seditious attack was taking place
the radio station "Agricultura"
was broadcasting declarations such as
"This is the day so many Chileans longed for."
"The armed forces are confronting
this totalitarian, Marxist government"
and other similar remarks.
That is a political crime.
That is an attack against our people.
The most serious attack against democracy
and the constitutional regime
which they claim to defend.
This gentleman was already jailed in 1967
by the Christian Democrat government
for seditious actions on behalf of the National Party.
Good evening to all our television viewers.
As you have all seen and heard
the young student
has described me as being seditious.
But I ask you to look at him and look at me.
Look at his life and look at mine.
I don't know how the cameras haven't fallen with shame.
That's the truth.
He has devoted his life to revolution.
He has worked at nothing else except revolution.
And here am I, a man who has worked for 35 years
who was a university professor for 25 years
who has always earned his salary.
And the young student says, "Look at the troublemaker".
So, as it's quite ridiculous, I'll move on to other things.
The regime can't work without virtues
without republican virtues.
That's my opinion, and everyone knows it.
I've always practiced it.
I don't condemn those who are desperate.
I don't condemn people like the poor truck driver
who picks up a stone, and neither do I condemn
those people who clamor and who rebel.
I don't support, and I never have
any rebellion.
I don't support coups or other escapades.
But today, I fully understand
how an entire country cannot live at peace
when its most urgent and basic needs
as we have heard here tonight
can't be satisfied.
He's just described himself.
He has shown the seditious face
the rebellious face of the National Party.
And here you have the chief threat
to the constitutional regime
and the democracy you say you defend.
Mr. García Garzena has said, and the viewers heard him
that he doesn't condemn
the rising of June 29, perpetrated by a unit
which undoubtedly was traitorous
to the pure tradition of our armed forces.
He doesn't condemn the murder of over 22 people.
He doesn't condemn it. Just the opposite.
But he hasn't been frank enough here
to say he applauds it, as it was applauded
by his National Agricultural Society radio
or as it was applauded by his paper, "La Tribuna"
which said the next day that it was a self-coup
a show put on by the Popular Unity government.
Repeat that here, sir!
I didn't say I supported the uprising.
Don't distort my words!
Then make yourself clear.
I've done that, and now I intend to ignore you!
I want to explain to our television viewers
that our system
isn't one of class hatred or of any kind of struggle.
It's what's called national integration.
That's what we want.
We want everyone to feel members of the same homeland.
- Like in Uruguay. - So that we feel
- Why are you confusing me? - Or Bolivia.
- Why mention other countries? - Or Brazil.
You're like a Bolivian!
Don't despair, Don Victor García. Don't get hysterical.
Please, let me continue.
These are the problems.
What is the origin of the attacks
against democracy and freedom?
Their aim is to prevent dialogue
and finally take us along the road to civil war.
The road sought by Don Victor García Garzena
that dove of peace whom we have seen here tonight
who wants to set up a fascist dictatorship here
like that of José María Bordaberry in Uruguay
and, deny it if you can
like those in Brazil and in Bolivia. Exactly that.
On July 5, Salvador Allende forms a new cabinet
to tackle the crisis and create favorable conditions
for a dialogue with the Christian Democracy.
He tries to incorporate a personality from that party.
I know perfectly well
that revolutionary processes
shake up and convulse the people.
But I also know that here
we wanted to do, and are trying to do
something that other peoples didn't manage.
A revolution by different channels
in accordance with our history, our tradition
and our reality.
I hope that we may be capable
of writing one more page
to show that Chile has its own creative will
and its noble decision
to make the homeland ever greater.
Please take
the oaths of loyalty.
Finally, let me clarify that I called the rector
of the Catholic University, Fernando Castillo
and I asked him to form part of the cabinet.
Regrettably
he had obligations which I respected.
I respected his reasons
and even though he was most willing
I couldn't have Fernando Castillo's collaboration.
But I know the country can rely on his collaboration
in any circumstances.
I wanted to inform you fully of this
and also to reiterate that I am confident
that we shall overcome the difficult hours
with everyone's help. Thank you.
Why has this split occurred when no one really wants it?
In my opinion, it's because when the Popular Unity
sets out programs
projects for Chile
which could really mean
an accumulation of interest in that objective
Popular Unity first says
Let's see who would supposedly be opposed to this.
They look for all possible enemies, find them
and then set them up as a minority.
But I think that all those great projects
for the transformation of our society
are projects which
if sent out properly as a message
seeking all those who can come together as a force
which is really working for Chile's objectives
are a government's most basic obligation.
But, influenced by its more traditional wing
the Christian Democrats will not, for now
talk with the Government.
Even so, Allende, a sector of the left
and a sector of Christian Democrats will strive
for a dialogue to modify the correlation of forces
in case of a coup.
We must call, comrades
on the good sense and patriotism
of the sectors of the Christian Democracy
who think for themselves, and don't follow
the dictates of the Pentagon, the CIA
and the Chilean capitalists
so that they show their opposition
among the people, in the unions, everywhere
to the fascist, reactionary offensive.
Because if fascism manages to win through
they won't ask the copper worker if he's a communist
if he's from MAPU, if he's a socialist
or a Christian Democrat, when they repress him.
On July 8, the marines carry out a raid in Valparaíso.
That same day
the Air Force occupy a cemetery in Santiago with 3 helicopters.
200 soldiers search the graves and niches looking for weapons.
In neither case is anything found.
This is just incredible.
Look at what they're doing, and it's going on every day!
Why would anyone want to dig up the dead?
The dead don't have bullets or anything.
Why would they kill them?
Imagine digging the poor things up!
All they could do was throw their bones at them.
So tomorrow, or even tonight, they'll send their planes.
They'll kill us all, because we're defenseless here.
- Should the people be armed? - Yes, of course!
The government has to do that and very soon.
They have to, or else it'll be impossible
We're his strength.
Allende is the president because we voted for him.
The rich will never be on our side.
Whatever we have now, it's because of this government.
Because we've never had anything.
How could we not be grateful to the government?
That's what we have to make those others understand.
They aren't thinking straight and
They don't understand all that's being done.
If you're out, moving around all day
you see what they're doing for the workers.
What must we do to defend this government?
Unite, that's the first thing.
And if they come with arms?
We should have arms too, to defend ourselves.
That's what everyone here thinks.
Nobody in this camp has got a weapon.
And you can't do anything with your hands or with sticks.
If they come with arms, you can't do anything.
The workers have got their defense organizations.
There are brigades which can be mobilized at any moment.
But there are no popular elements
to defend the factories
nor are there even any popular elements
to mobilize workers
in any formation for combat or street fighting
against any military sectors or fascist sectors
which have those elements.
We want a popular militia!
On July 12, the Socialist Party states its position
as regards the threatened coup.
The soldiers, marines, airmen and policemen
cannot lend themselves at any time
or under any circumstance
to murder workers.
And if it should happen that some officers rebel
the officers, warrant officers
N.C.O. S and soldiers
are not under any obligation
to obey them.
To be even clearer
not only is it their duty to refuse to obey orders
which would mean firing on the people
or to participate in attempted coups
against the workers' government
they must also actively oppose them.
The bourgeoisie must understand quite clearly
that it cannot act with impunity.
Every subversive action
every attack on Chile and its government
will invariably be answered by the workers
using every method
with all the resources which may be necessary.
Our party thinks
that the seizing of companies
factories, lands
is a legitimate response by the working class
and the workers
to the seditious, mutinous attitude of the right.
We have said that every step in this reaction
must be thought out.
I'd like to know the party's position
as regards the raids by the military
in our factories looking for arms.
I take it as an offense against our class
because I think that if the workers
were ever to take up arms at any time
it would be to defend their government.
So could you, as a lawyer and as a jurist
tell us when it is legal
and when it is illegal?
There's a problem here.
We could be acting illegally
in trying to defend the workers' government
as workers ourselves
if we took the precaution of acquiring a weapon.
I think that the people to defend its government
should use all the means available.
The problem of arms becomes tied in
with that of the occupation of companies.
For a sector of Popular Unity
led by the communists
the indiscriminate expropriation of factories
only damages the government's legal image.
But for the other sector, led by the Socialist Party
the occupation of industries is a useful form of mobilization
which helps prepare and organize the coming struggle.
For them, an armed clash with the right is inevitable
and the only way to tackle a coup
is by organizing the masses and strengthening popular power
especially in the industrial belts.
Another task for today, comrades
to control the reactionaries and to move forward
is the formation of industrial belts
all over the country.
What is needed, comrades, is that our union leaders
look on this task as a priority for them.
That comrades from other companies unite.
That they should tell the leaders of other unions
of the need to connect with workers
from the next block, or from further away.
And that way, comrades
we shall build up that popular force
which is the basis for advancing
and a rampart for repelling
reactionary attacks.
On July 19
the Arauco regiment occupy the Workers' Central
in the city of Osorno.
The next day
navy personnel carry out another raid in Concepción.
In neither case are arms found.
On July 12, the Revolutionary Left Movement, MIR
from outside Popular Unity
states its position.
Throughout the entire country
a single cry is heard echoing in the factories
estates, towns, and schools
in the bastions of the people.
The call to create
to create, strengthen and increase popular power
the power of the community commandoes
the power of the workers and the peasants.
The revolutionaries and the workers
must immediately extend
the seizure of factories and estates
increase defense preparations
promote popular power as local government
independent of the powers of state.
The warrant officers and policemen
must disobey the orders of fascist officers
and in that way
And in that way
all forms of struggle will be legitimate!
Then it really will be true that the workers
along with the soldiers, the sailors, the police
the warrant officers and the loyal officers
will have the right to build their own army
the people's army!
On July 19, the workers from the Vicua-Mackenna industrial belt
occupy the main road in their area.
Why are you occupying the road?
It's in support of our comrades
who were evicted from the ICMETAL factory.
Will any government representative be coming?
We hope some authority will come and solve the problem.
The day before, workers from the Cerrillos belt
had carried out a similar action.
The protest by this sector is directed against government attempts
to hand back some industries
to facilitate a possible minimum agreement
with the Christian Democracy.
The contradictions among the left
about what strategy to use against the coup
explode publicly.
At 11:30
the police chief orders the road to be cleared.
The police can only advance to the first barricade.
Beyond that are 4,000 workers positioned along four miles.
At 11:45, the mayor of Santiago arrives.
He is Allende's representative in the province.
You wait here.
His mission is to end the confrontation.
Please inform the Chief that on my instructions
nothing is to be moved here
and you are to pull back two blocks.
So pull back the police forces
preferably beyond Matta Avenue.
Tell the Prefect that it's on my instructions. Thank you.
The police have to withdraw.
But the problem of occupied factories
continues to be debated
with the presence of TUC delegates.
The TUC set up
a commission
to look at the cases of the industries
which are in the hands of the workers.
That commission is studying those problems today
through the corresponding institutions
CORFO and the Ministry of Economy.
There's one thing we must have very clear.
There are a lot of industries which have been taken over.
In Santiago, a huge number of inc have been taken over
but not all of them can be nationalized
for a variety of reasons.
What's more, when the TUC issued the call
to take over the industries
in the case of any attempted coup
that meant, in times of crisis
stopping fascist activity.
But it didn't mean that, indiscriminately
all kinds of industries are going to be nationalized.
There are some problems there too
with industries which are totally unfinanced
and if the State takes them over
it's really just taking over a dead weight.
And that can't be.
So this is what has been discussed
with our fellow workers in those industries
who would be affected.
What we want is a decision from TUC, and soon.
It can be good or bad, but we want a decision
so that the TUC doesn't just become an antibody
in the bosom of the workers.
The problem is that there are other reasons here.
For instance, what about the companies with Swiss capital?
There's a problem
of international relations.
What do international relations have to do
with the problems of the workers?
A lot!
Because the Swiss government
is one of the chief members of the "Club de Paris"
where Chile's external debt
is discussed and renegotiated.
You all know that after this government came in
and nationalized copper, for example
there was a Yankee boycott
and the country doesn't have the foreign exchange
or the credits it used to have.
So that is all renegotiated in the "Club de Paris"
and Chile has to handle itself there
with a great deal of caution.
We're not talking about international relations here.
We want to nationalize the industries which interest us.
And without accepting any compromises.
All the things that you're explaining
about international affairs
won't be understood by the workers in general.
You have to give them some more local reasons
and use words that all of us here can understand.
Can the workers disobey the TUC leaders?
Well, I can answer that too.
Yes, there are answers which are more local, more Chilean.
Today, as you all know, comrades
we, the working class, through this government
have gained some power
but we haven't gained all the power.
The reactionaries want the forces of order
whether police or army
to have a confrontation with the workers
which will occur
if the workers don't obey central management
but take justice into their own hands
and have a confrontation with the police and army.
And then the right accuses the government
that there's no discipline and that there's no authority.
And we're just a step away
from the President being impeached
because that's what they want.
But the thing is
we can see everything clearly too.
They asked us, the workers, to get organized
and to set up the industrial belts
and to get organized on all fronts.
We organized ourselves on the neighborhood fronts
on the workers' fronts and in the trade unions.
We organized ourselves in the industrial belts.
And we're still hearing the same old story.
It isn't the time, there's a legislative power
and a judicial power.
They asked us to organize
from the people up to the highest level
and that's what we've done.
But the President still keeps asking us to stay calm
to keep acting this way and to keep organizing. Why?
Why is there this fear that we, the workers
and all the people, will call a general strike
and ask the President, like any executive power
to decide once and for all what their battle plan is?
What is the plan they have for us to fight the right?
And if it's necessary to have a plebiscite
as those on the right are demanding
we'll have it from the people up to the highest level
and I assure you that we'll win from here to Rancagua.
We've got organization inside the camps
the industrial belts and the unions.
And the TUC still carries on, asking us to keep calm
saying we can't do such-and-such
because this belongs to Queen Elizabeth
or that belongs to Switzerland.
They just keep making things up.
The truth is, the people are getting tired.
This is all bureaucracy!
We're fighting bureaucracy amongst ourselves.
Within our own defenses, within our own unions
within our own power like the TUC
we still have bureaucracy. Until when?
What I want to know is if you have confidence or not
in popular power.
Does the TUC not have faith in those workers
who marched past comrade Allende on Friday
to shout their support for him?
Does the President not have faith in our organizations?
Do the deputies up there not have faith in us?
They sit and do nothing.
And what about the senators?
Instead of fighting for the cause
instead of doing something for the workers
whenever the right wing deputies appear
they all keep quiet. I think we've had enough!
There's a reason that we're meeting here tonight.
It's to ask the government to expropriate
the greatest number of factories.
And we'll let the right have the ones that are of no use.
If the government can't take on those dead weights
the right can do it, and we'll keep fighting.
You go to the market and see all the black market stuff.
And they still ask us to stay calm.
Until when? We're sick of all this.
Do you not know the class composition
that exists today in the armed forces?
Don't you know that the majority of officers
are in favor of the coup?
Because here, comrades
power isn't achieved only through good organization.
There is good organization.
But we also need to have some weight
to counter-balance the real power of the reactionaries.
And that's why in the Trades Union Council
we're talking about protection committees.
And what are protection committees?
Protection committees for production industries
and also protection committees for the war.
They're things we can't talk about or give details on
because we mustn't make that mistake.
But we, the workers, have to be prepared
to go into battle on all fronts.
And the TUC is involved in that struggle today.
I accept that there are differences, comrades.
But the problem arises when there is a desire
for organizations which follow a direction
parallel to the workers' organization.
That's where problems start.
And so I admit that here there are many comrades
who ask questions, not with any ill intention
but there are things which have to be discussed
in much greater depth.
You can't just unfoundedly catalogue
such-and-such an organization
or such-and-such a leader, as having some defect.
I believe that we all make up the organizations
and we all have some degree of responsibility.
And you have your organization
for setting out this kind of problem.
And we are in agreement that we have to look for answers
to the problems which we are setting out here today.
But let us not forget that we've got a government
presided over by comrade Allende
and we have to obey that leadership.
There is an organism which is the workers
and there are organisms which are the class parties
and they too provide guidance.
On July 19, the School of Infantry
raids a factory in the town of San Bernardo.
Every sector on the left recognizes the need
to prepare the armed defense of the government.
But they are unable to agree
on the formulation of a joint plan.
On July 20, in view of the growing wave of violence
the Catholic church issues a public call
in favor of peaceful understanding.
This campaign, led by Cardinal Silva Enríquez
ends with the countrywide celebration
of "Masses for Peace".
For the representatives of the people
that they may exercise the public powers of the State.
That their competence, aided by the wisdom and prudence
that comes from God
may lead them always to serve the homeland
for the true good of the communities.
Lord hear us.
Lord graciously hear us.
For the citizens of our homeland
so that in the diversity of opinions and preferences
God may enlighten our consciences
soothe passions
and control partisan resentments
so that the common good of the Chileans may prevail.
- Lord, hear us. - Lord, graciously hear us.
The Church's call for pacification
puts some leaders of the Christian Democracy
in a difficult position.
For 3 weeks, they have refused to have talks with Allende.
If they don't change their position
they will be opposing the Church's public position.
A few days later, Patricio Aylwin, and Osvaldo Olguin
the leaders of the Christian Democracy
arrive at the government palace
to speak with the President.
Aware of the discrepancies, but convinced of his strategy,
Allende wants to reach a minimum understanding
to avoid a constitutional break-up.
A possible agreement between Allende
and the Christian Democrat leadership
causes great unease among the extreme right-wing.
On July 27
at 1:30 a.m., the extreme right assassinates
Commander Arturo Araya Peters
President Allende's naval aide-de-camp.
The violence extends to an officer
directly linked to the President
at the very moment when the Christian Democracy
agrees to speak with Allende.
A confidant of the President
Araya had become the main link between the government
and the constitutionalist navy officers.
That same day, the aide-de-camp's remains
are taken to the La Moneda Palace.
They are later transferred to Valparaíso
to be buried with military honors.
OFFICERS
Months later, in exile in Buenos Aires
and before being assassinated
Gen. Carlos Prats says that one of the reasons
for eliminating Commander Araya
was to prevent Allende from knowing what was happening
in the military circles in Valparaíso.
This is where a sector of the officers
start to plan the coup
with the advice of the North American government.
The remains of Commander Arturo Araya Peters
are seen off
by the Commander-in-Chief of the National Navy
Admiral RaúI Montero Cornejo
and by a college contemporary of his
Sea Captain Guillermo Aldonei Hansen.
And here in the cemetery
we have two sections of the Submarine School
and the band of the Armaments School.
All here can remember the brilliant navy career
of Commander Arturo Araya Peters.
His Excellency the President, Dr. Salvador Allende
ministers of state
heads of the armed forces
The raids are intensified.
On August 3, the army surrounds
one of the main factories in Santiago's Cerrillos belt.
These operations allow the army to check the terrain
and study the workers' reactions.
Their officers accustom the troops
to confronting the civilian population
and watch the behavior of their own soldiers.
The next day, the army occupies
the industrial area of Punta Arenas.
To date, the army have carried out 27 raids
throughout the country, without finding any arms.
For the first time in an operation
tanks are used.
During this week, the transport operators
call an indefinite stoppage.
The extreme right wants to provoke economic chaos
and sabotage the talks
between the Head of State and the Christian Democracy.
The carriers assemble their trucks
at certain strategic points
to make a show of strength and maintain internal cohesion.
As the New York Times was to reveal later
the strikers are financed by $5 million
from the Central Intelligence Agency, CIA.
Each of the 35,000 operators receives $4 a day
at the black market exchange rate.
Meanwhile, in the gardens of Congress
just as happened with the copper strike
the truckers' wives are given money and provisions.
On July 31, the government decrees
the legal resumption of work, and sends tractors
to tow the paralyzed vehicles to Santiago.
However, the operators react with violence
and accuse the government of attacking private property.
These events are filmed by TV's Channel 13
which sympathizes with the strike.
A few days later, Parliament
along with the opposition journalists
transform the incident into a scandal.
Congress asks Channel 13 to re-broadcast
their film of the events
to help the deputies reach a judgment.
Backing up the report
the deputies retransmit these images to the public
presenting them as an official document.
This shows the opposition's power within the media
and the freedom of speech tolerated by the government.
The opposition block controls Channel 13
Santiago's leading station
as well as 75% of the radio stations
and 70% of the written press.
In this case, the seizure of the trucks
fuels a campaign to discredit the government.
While this is happening in Parliament
talks between Allende and the Christian Democracy
are deadlocked.
The leaders of that party
set 3 conditions for the President.
He must submit to Congress' authority
thus renouncing presidential powers
held by other Chilean leaders.
He must back down on his nationalization policy.
Finally, he must grant key government posts
to officers who are totally trusted
by the Christian Democracy.
In reply
President Allende is opposed to this capitulation.
That same day
the Christian Democracy halts the talks.
This being so
the entire opposition joins the anti-government escalade.
During July and August, terrorist groups
trained by North American intelligence services
carry out 250 attacks with dynamite and fire bombs.
With this authority vacuum, Allende gets the support
of the leaders of the armed forces
and, faced with the situation
the officers agree to share responsibilities.
A country
cannot live
submitted to threats by the heartless.
The streets of Santiago
were strewn yesterday
with publications like this.
We must ask who is paying for them
where are they printed
which are the companies who are contributing
to these attacks
against national life, against the government
against the country.
"8 measures to depose the government".
That is how shameless they are.
This Cabinet
must put an end
to the fascist stoppage by the carriers
by deciding
to enforce the law implacably.
It has the support of the vast majority of Chileans
who want to avoid, by all possible means
a civil war in our homeland.
On August 9, the top military commanders
are incorporated into the government.
Gen. Prats, natural leader of the loyal officers
occupies the Ministry of Defense.
Command of the army falls, meanwhile, on Gen. Pinochet
also considered a constitutionalist.
This new cabinet is received with discrepancies
by most of the politicians.
The right reject it.
The Christian Democracy show a division of opinion.
The left has its doubts.
Only two days later, the Communist and Socialist parties
support Allende's decision.
Thank you.
The session is over.
On August 11, the new cabinet takes the first steps
to requisition trucks.
But the initiatives taken by the commanders
displease most of the officers
who are sympathetic to the stoppage
This shows that part of the military apparatus
is also involved in the anti-government offensive.
The U.S. Press later revealed that William Colby
ex-director of the CIA
never denied that it supported the preparation
and financial maintenance of the strike
when he was questioned by the House of Representatives
in Washington, in October 1973.
On August 12, the Christian Democrat Party
officially announces its support for the strike.
In factories, raw materials are diminishing
and in the country seeds are scarce.
In these circumstances
the civil-military cabinet has failed.
But the popular response to the strike continues.
The government and its supporters
arrange for products to be brought to distribution centers.
With shops closed, part of the population
supports the Provisions Council
and strengthens the "popular stores".
Each store is formed by the neighbors in a sector.
It buys food directly from the State
and sells it at cost price.
Soon, half of Santiago is benefiting
from direct provisioning.
Direct provisioning!
In some areas, the Industrial Belts send workers' pickets
to oversee distribution and open any closed shops.
At this moment, for the first time
popular power is ahead of the police
in maintaining public order and controlling tradesmen.
That's enough for now.
Please move the kids away.
This isn't a workers' stoppage.
It's a stoppage by the truck owners.
I don't think there's one worker with a truck on strike.
The ones on strike have got fleets of trucks.
They're keeping this useless strike going.
This stoppage is clearly political.
And it is we, the people, who are being harmed by it.
We're the ones who have to put up with waiting in these lines.
If all the trucks went back to work
we wouldn't have all these lines.
But the workers went out on the street.
We went out and fought and did our duty as workers
defending our workplaces and continuing production
and loading goods with our bare hands
so that the towns didn't go short of food.
The workers showed that to our President
and the authorities.
Some of the carriers who support the government
organize convoys
to distribute food in the provinces.
The population also develops a family supply system
called "the people's basket".
No compromise on defending the people's basket!
How do you see the government's attitude?
The government's attitude
has to be to maneuver.
If you were the government, you'd have to do the same.
The government has to walk a tightrope at times.
I believe that this isn't the government's fault.
For me, as a Marxist socialist from 1932 to the present
because I was in the fight for the Socialist Republic
and I knew comrade Grove and he made one mistake.
When the people asked him for arms
he wouldn't give them any.
Of course, it would have been an uncontrollable massacre.
And then what would have happened?
Even now, I think we're still far from having
a good front.
We just don't have one.
We've got anti-fascist organizations
and defense committees, but we're lacking
provincial and national coordination
in order to act on one front.
We can't let what happened in Spain happen here.
There was a party division
the anarcho-syndicalists on one side
the socialists on the other
and Franco's fascism got into power.
Meanwhile, in Valparaíso
some sailors discover the naval conspiracy
and inform several left-wing leaders.
This action is discovered by the commanders
and the sailors are accused of mutiny
jailed and submitted to torture.
On August 22, the opposition
breaks definitively with the constitutional regime.
The agreement, without any legal basis
says the government "would be violating the Constitution"
and is an open invitation for military intervention.
Supported by a simple majority
this declaration justifies military rebellion
and legitimizes the coup.
From this point, events occur rapidly.
A group of women gather outside the house
of Army Commander Gen. Carlos Prats
natural leader of the officers
who respect the democratic system.
The rally, in which the wives of 6 generals take part
is to show Carlos Prats
that he no longer has the top military support.
The next day, the Council of Generals refuses to back him
and Carlos Prats decides to resign.
- Faggots! - Lousy faggots!
Generals Pickering and Sepúlveda
the main loyal commanders, also resign.
Augusto Pinochet, seemingly a professional soldier
who respects the Constitution
becomes the new Commander-in-Chief.
While the conspiracy progresses
the civilian opposition begins the final offensive.
On August 14, in the Catholic University
the women from "Feminine Power"
meet to support the transport strike.
That is why this strike by the carriers
which was avoided in October 1972
will, this time, have to be a battle
to the final consequences.
This is how it is seen by all of us
who support the carriers in their just struggle.
Days later, the government's enemies
ask for the President's resignation.
3 years of economic war
have let the White House and the internal opposition
win a large sector of the middle class.
This is where the rebel officers
find the social support for continuing with their plans.
September 4 is the third anniversary
of Salvador Allende's electoral triumph.
Despite the crisis, government sympathizers
organize one of the biggest demonstrations
in the country's political history.
From 5:00 p.m., more than 800,000 people
file past the President of the Republic.
Three days later, Allende tells his collaborators
that he wants to hold a plebiscite
to resolve the government's continuity in a democratic way.
The chosen date for announcing the plebiscite
is September 11.
We'll cut the dick off the "mummy" who speculates!
If that won't do, we'll cut his balls off too!
Workers, let's go into action and stop the rebellion!
Young Communists of Chile!
Allende, Allende, the people will defend you!
Young Communists of Chile!
Keep fighting, President!
- Hurrah for Allende! - Hurrah!
Popular Unity, keep fighting!
We'll fight and we'll create popular power!
The Socialist Party of Chile!
Socialist Youth!
The expropriated factories will never be handed back!
The time for conciliation is over!
It's time to fight!
People, awareness, arms!
- Louder! - MAPU!
Shout it louder!
MAPU!
Allende, don't worry, the people are with you!
Faced with the people, mobilized but unarmed
the internal opposition
and the U.S. State Department
decide to play their last card.
The morning of September 11. The voice of President Allende.
Confirmed reports have said
that a sector of the navy
has isolated Valparaíso
and that the city is occupied.
In any case, I am here
in the government palace
and I'll stay here, defending
the government I represent by the will of the people.
On September 11, the navy unleashes the coup
in the port of Valparaíso.
At the same time, four North American destroyers
move close to the Chilean coast
to take part in "Operation Unitas"
and maintain contact with the mutineers.
At 7:30, President Allende
has arrived at the palace to give instructions.
The situation is critical.
There is no joint plan
for the armed defense of the government.
During the early morning
most of the constitutionalist officers have been neutralized.
At 8:00 a.m., several Air Force planes
start to fly over the capital.
At 8:20, the leaders of the uprising
demand the President's resignation
and offer him a plane in which to leave the country.
At 9:15, the constitutional President prepares to fight
and speaks again by radio.
The Air Force has bombed
the masts of "Radio Portales" and "Radio Corporacin".
This being so
it only remains for me to say to the workers
I am not going to give up.
Placed in an historical transition
I shall repay the loyalty of the people with my life.
History is ours, and it is made by the people.
Long live Chile! Long live the people!
Long live the workers!
After a few hours of resistance
the military sends Allende an ultimatum.
If he doesn't surrender, the planes will begin bombing.
At this
the President gives the palace guard
freedom of action, and they abandon the building.
President Allende, who refuses to surrender
is accompanied by 40 civilians
prepared to face the attack.
Despite the bombardment
the palace defenders hold out for 3 hours.
At the same time, there are skirmishes
in parts of Santiago and the provinces.
At 2:15 p.m., President Allende dies in La Moneda.
At 9:00 p.m.
the leaders of the uprising speak to the country.
The armed forces
have acted today
solely from the patriotic inspiration
of saving the country
from the tremendous chaos
into which it was being plunged
by the Marxist government of Salvador Allende.
The Junta will maintain judicial power
and consultantship of the Public Accounts Control.
The Chambers will remain in recess until further orders.
That is all.
It may be sad
to have broken a democratic tradition
which on this continent
was of long standing.
But when the State loses its qualities
there are those
who, by mandate
have to enforce them, and take on that task.
We are doing that today.
We are sure that all of Chile
has to understand the sacrifice that entails.
It isn't a matter of squashing tendencies
or ideological trends
or carrying out personal revenge
but, as I said, of reestablishing public order
and returning the country to observance
of the Republic's Constitution and laws.
After three years
of suffering the Marxist cancer
which led us
to economic, moral and social disaster
and which could no longer be tolerated
for the sacred interests of the homeland
we found ourselves obliged
to take on the sad and painful mission
which we have undertaken.
We are not afraid.
We know the enormous responsibility
that will rest on our shoulders.
But we are convinced
we are quite sure
that the vast majority of the Chilean people
are with us.
They are willing to fight against Marxism!
They are willing to stamp it out
down to the final consequences!
From September 11
all the army's resources are used
to repress the popular movement
with the compliance of the U.S. Government.
The initial armed resistance by some industrial belts
towns, mines and agricultural centers
is quickly crushed in an unequal fight.
Thousands of people lose their lives
and the main sports stadiums
are turned into concentration camps.
The longest representative democracy
in Latin American history has ceased to exist.
Nevertheless, on that same September 11
the democratic forces begin to reorganize
and adopt numerous forms of resistance.
The battle of Chile is not over yet.
They have the strength.
They can subjugate us,
but they cannot stop social processes
with crime or with strength.
History is ours
and it is made by the people.
You must always know
that sooner rather than later
they will open the great avenues
where man can walk free
and build a better society.